From September 2009
The Right, in India, as in the United States, is supposedly in disarray. Rejected by the electorate, riddled by scandals, tortured by internal dissension, the Hindunazis are in full retreat.
So bad is the situation for the biggest Hindunazi party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (“Indian People’s Party,” which would suggest to the uninformed that it is a left-of-centre organisation) that senior members are openly ridiculing the party leadership (unthinkable in the Indian political set-up) and virtually daring the powers that be to throw them out...and the powers find they can’t. They did expel one guy, a former Foreign Minister called Jaswant Singh who committed the cardinal sin of writing a book that said Pakistan’s founder Jinnah wasn’t a flesh-eating demon, and that expulsion has come round to bite them in the ass, with Singh pouring out all the secrets of the Hindunazi inner councils to the cameras and microphones on a daily basis.
Entertaining, bizarre, and full of Schadenfreude for these verminous right-wing fascist scum.
So, is this the New Dawn?
Everyone, after all, who’s been reading me for some time knows of my views about the Hindunazis. I’ve called them the biggest threat this nation faces, a Sword of Damocles hanging over our heads, infinitely worse than the jihadists.
So, why should I say now that the slow-motion train wreck that is the plight of the Political Hindu Right in India, far from being a good thing, is actually a terrible crisis, one that has to be tackled as fast as possible? Has Bill lost his mind?
Not entirely.
The political Hindu right, in the first place, is the political Hindu Right – that section of the Hindunazis who have been placed in mainstream politics. I mention “placed” because almost all parts of the Hindunazi spectrum are creatures of a central organisation, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) which is a controlling body that allegedly does not involve itself in politics. The RSS controls not just the BJP but many other Hindunazi organisations, many of which are openly fascist militia such as the Bajrang Dal
(which, among other things, burned alive Australian missionary Graham Staines and his two sons in Orissa in 1999 and helped launch an anti-Christian pogrom there last year) and don’t involve themselves in electoral politics. (The only openly Hindunazi political force not directly controlled by the RSS is the Shiv Sena of Bombay, which has its own troubles and split after a succession struggle). Since all these organisations are controlled by the same parent outfit, the collapse of the electoral right doesn’t destroy the Hindunazis. It just lops off one arm.
And it’s not just the fact that one arm’s being lopped off that matters. Hindunazis, like the original Nazis they intensely admire, are far from being a united lot. They’re instead competitive for favours, ruinous in their courting of personal advantage at the expense of the common good, and are masters of the art of backstabbing their putative colleagues. Therefore, the destruction of the political Hindunazi arm automatically strengthens, energises, and reinforces the fascist militia arm. And since, also like the Nazis, the Hindunazis are fundamentally addicted to violence, and have repeatedly used it as a political tool, rabble-rousing in order to win elections. Now that electoral victory is something that not even the most blindly optimistic Hindunazi will expect, there’s no bar at all on politically-oriented violence, and as long as the Hindunazi parties stay politically irrelevant, their fascist militia will grow stronger and more aggressive than ever.
Of course, this raises another question: won’t the government of the country crush the Hindunazi militias? No.
The fact is that virtually all political parties are extremely timid animals. It takes almost unheard-of levels of initiative and courage for them to try anything new. They compete with their rivals not by offering a bold new initiative, but by trying more of the same thing as the rival party. Therefore, over time, each comes to resemble the other in almost every aspect of its functioning. For instance, the primary opponent of the BJP today is the Congress Party, which tries to compete with the Hindunazis by promoting something called “soft Hindutva” which is merely a diluted form of Hindu fascism and who therefore won’t dare risk angering the Hindu population by cracking down on the Hindu militias.
Some years ago I had written a blog called “Why we need a Right Wing”, which went almost unnoticed. In it I’d repeated my conviction that in modern politics where money is really the only thing that matters, the natural tendency is for all political parties except the extreme left wing to drift steadily to the right, usually while mouthing pro-poor platitudes, but competing for the favours of the capitalist class and its bulging coffers.
The only thing that can stop this drift is the occupation of the right wing political space by a strong right wing party which already guards the interests of the right and can depend on securing the right-wing vote. The centre-line and mildly left wing parties will then have to stay more or less true to their political agendas and compete for the vote of the rest of the population, who are always the people who actually need some kind of political force to represent them. I repeat: only fear of the right will keep the centre and the centre-left from becoming as right wing as the right.
Therefore, by self-destructing, the BJP is handing over control of the Hindunazi movement to the fascist militias, who enjoy a measure of licence from the Congress which is trying to occupy the BJP’s right-wing political space and who therefore will sharply raise the level of Hindunazi violence. Also, the Congress, which is already as pro-Big Business and even more cravenly pro-American than the BJP (minor American bureaucrats and politicians are treated as royalty in Delhi these days and their word is treated as sacrosanct) will feel it can move even further to the right than it is already.
And then, with the tide of Hindunazi violence rising and a government which has absolutely nothing at all to distinguish it from its alleged opponent, we won’t have even the choice between Tweedledum and Tweedledee.
All we can do then is choose between Tweedledee and Tweedledee.
The Right, in India, as in the United States, is supposedly in disarray. Rejected by the electorate, riddled by scandals, tortured by internal dissension, the Hindunazis are in full retreat.
So bad is the situation for the biggest Hindunazi party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (“Indian People’s Party,” which would suggest to the uninformed that it is a left-of-centre organisation) that senior members are openly ridiculing the party leadership (unthinkable in the Indian political set-up) and virtually daring the powers that be to throw them out...and the powers find they can’t. They did expel one guy, a former Foreign Minister called Jaswant Singh who committed the cardinal sin of writing a book that said Pakistan’s founder Jinnah wasn’t a flesh-eating demon, and that expulsion has come round to bite them in the ass, with Singh pouring out all the secrets of the Hindunazi inner councils to the cameras and microphones on a daily basis.
Entertaining, bizarre, and full of Schadenfreude for these verminous right-wing fascist scum.
So, is this the New Dawn?
Everyone, after all, who’s been reading me for some time knows of my views about the Hindunazis. I’ve called them the biggest threat this nation faces, a Sword of Damocles hanging over our heads, infinitely worse than the jihadists.
So, why should I say now that the slow-motion train wreck that is the plight of the Political Hindu Right in India, far from being a good thing, is actually a terrible crisis, one that has to be tackled as fast as possible? Has Bill lost his mind?
Not entirely.
The political Hindu right, in the first place, is the political Hindu Right – that section of the Hindunazis who have been placed in mainstream politics. I mention “placed” because almost all parts of the Hindunazi spectrum are creatures of a central organisation, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) which is a controlling body that allegedly does not involve itself in politics. The RSS controls not just the BJP but many other Hindunazi organisations, many of which are openly fascist militia such as the Bajrang Dal
(which, among other things, burned alive Australian missionary Graham Staines and his two sons in Orissa in 1999 and helped launch an anti-Christian pogrom there last year) and don’t involve themselves in electoral politics. (The only openly Hindunazi political force not directly controlled by the RSS is the Shiv Sena of Bombay, which has its own troubles and split after a succession struggle). Since all these organisations are controlled by the same parent outfit, the collapse of the electoral right doesn’t destroy the Hindunazis. It just lops off one arm.And it’s not just the fact that one arm’s being lopped off that matters. Hindunazis, like the original Nazis they intensely admire, are far from being a united lot. They’re instead competitive for favours, ruinous in their courting of personal advantage at the expense of the common good, and are masters of the art of backstabbing their putative colleagues. Therefore, the destruction of the political Hindunazi arm automatically strengthens, energises, and reinforces the fascist militia arm. And since, also like the Nazis, the Hindunazis are fundamentally addicted to violence, and have repeatedly used it as a political tool, rabble-rousing in order to win elections. Now that electoral victory is something that not even the most blindly optimistic Hindunazi will expect, there’s no bar at all on politically-oriented violence, and as long as the Hindunazi parties stay politically irrelevant, their fascist militia will grow stronger and more aggressive than ever.
Of course, this raises another question: won’t the government of the country crush the Hindunazi militias? No.
The fact is that virtually all political parties are extremely timid animals. It takes almost unheard-of levels of initiative and courage for them to try anything new. They compete with their rivals not by offering a bold new initiative, but by trying more of the same thing as the rival party. Therefore, over time, each comes to resemble the other in almost every aspect of its functioning. For instance, the primary opponent of the BJP today is the Congress Party, which tries to compete with the Hindunazis by promoting something called “soft Hindutva” which is merely a diluted form of Hindu fascism and who therefore won’t dare risk angering the Hindu population by cracking down on the Hindu militias.
Some years ago I had written a blog called “Why we need a Right Wing”, which went almost unnoticed. In it I’d repeated my conviction that in modern politics where money is really the only thing that matters, the natural tendency is for all political parties except the extreme left wing to drift steadily to the right, usually while mouthing pro-poor platitudes, but competing for the favours of the capitalist class and its bulging coffers.
The only thing that can stop this drift is the occupation of the right wing political space by a strong right wing party which already guards the interests of the right and can depend on securing the right-wing vote. The centre-line and mildly left wing parties will then have to stay more or less true to their political agendas and compete for the vote of the rest of the population, who are always the people who actually need some kind of political force to represent them. I repeat: only fear of the right will keep the centre and the centre-left from becoming as right wing as the right.
Therefore, by self-destructing, the BJP is handing over control of the Hindunazi movement to the fascist militias, who enjoy a measure of licence from the Congress which is trying to occupy the BJP’s right-wing political space and who therefore will sharply raise the level of Hindunazi violence. Also, the Congress, which is already as pro-Big Business and even more cravenly pro-American than the BJP (minor American bureaucrats and politicians are treated as royalty in Delhi these days and their word is treated as sacrosanct) will feel it can move even further to the right than it is already.
And then, with the tide of Hindunazi violence rising and a government which has absolutely nothing at all to distinguish it from its alleged opponent, we won’t have even the choice between Tweedledum and Tweedledee.
All we can do then is choose between Tweedledee and Tweedledee.
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